وا أسفاه على دماء
لقد كتب علينا مغادرة الوطن مكرهين. لا حباَ في الاغتراب ولكن لنجد مكاناَ نستظل به ونرفع صوتنا عالياَ مطالبين بالقصاص لشهداء 28 رمضان وزوال هذا النظام الذي يجثم على صدر البلاد. وكل الأنباء التي ترد من السودان تؤكد أن لا كرامة لمواطن ولا يزال الاعتقال والتحفظ وبيوت الأشباح مفتوحة. لا تزال حرية الرأي رهينة فلا فكر ولا رأى.
الأعلام مازال يبرمج وموجه لإعلام الجبهة.
دُمر اقتصاد السودان بفعل سياستهم وزاد الفقراء فقراَ . بينما زبانية الجبهة يعيشون عيشة الملوك داخل الوطن الفقير.
والسودان مازال رمزاَ للإرهاب ومصادراَ لحقوق الإنسان.
لقد ضاقت الحلقة ولم يجد البشير مخرجاَ ألا أن ينقلب على شيخه الترابي ولكن هيهات البشير شريك كامل في كل الجرائم التي ارتكبت منذ يونيو 1989 مهما تنصل منها فلن يقفر له الشعب الذي اكتوى بناره وذاق الأمرين في ظل حكمه.
البشير يدعوا المعارضة في للمشاركة في الحكم :
وأنني أتساءل هل تضع المعارضة يدها البيضاء في أيادي من تلطخت أياديهم ووجوههم بدماء أبناء السودان الحبيب. ومن يفعل ذلك فقد باع نفسه ووطنه وباء بغضب الله ومن تبعه.
المعارضة عليها أن تطيح بذلك النظام القمعي الدموي ممثلاَ في البشير والترابي وكل أركانه وتقديمهم لمحاكمة لتقتص لنا وتطهر ارض السودان من الظلم.
ويبقى سؤالي يا عمر البشير , ماذا أنت قائل لأولئك الذين أوردتهم مورد الهلاك ؟ ماذا يقول شيخك الترابي لآلاف السباب الذين خدعوا بشعاراتكم الجوفاء ؟
ماذا تقولون لأولئك الذين باعوا حياتهم رخيصة ومن ورائهم أم وزوج مكلومة وأطفال يتم وبعد كل هذا انتم ابعد عن الدين وما اتخذتم الدين إلا مطية ورمح على سنانه تتكالبون على السلطة وسلطان زائف. ألا رحم الله الشهداء ولنا في الحياة قصاص ويا فجيعتنا في عرس الشهيد ببنات الحور.
نحن كتنظيم أسر شهداء 28 رمضان نجدد عهدنا بأن نضالنا لن يتوقف حتى آخر قطرة من دمائنا تحقيقاَ وفداء شهداء الحرية الديمقراطية الذين أناروا بدمائهم الأرجوانية طريق الحرية والكرامة.
أن شهداء 28 رمضان دفعوا مهراَ غالباَ لاستعادة الديمقراطية وسيستمر النضال بآذن الله ألي أن تتحقق أهداف الحركة الباسلة,
نحن كتنظيم أسر شهداء حركة رمضان بالخارج نحي تنظيمنا المصادم بشراسة للنظام في السودان.
نرفض وبالصوت العالي المساومات مع النظام الموي.
وكما كانت حركة رمضان نبراساَ وجذوة، انطلق منها لهيب الكفاح ورفعت شعارات التضحية والفداء لغد مشرق تلغفت الراية جموع الثوار الاحرار في بوتقة التجمع الوطني الديمقراطي الصامد بالخارج.
التجمع الوطني العملاق الذي لن يخدع ولم يصدق ولن يؤمن بدعوته بالانفراج السياسي . وما كان اعتقال السيد سيد احمد الحسين إلا عنواناَ لذلك.
كل ما يهدف اليه البشير بقاءه في السلطة.لايجاد حل ليخرج به من النظام و المقربين اليه ، من اطراف المعارضة من ازماتهم تحت ما يسمى بالوفاق او المصلحة والتي تهدف الى المحافظة على النظام واستمراره ضمن ثوابته واختيارته السياسية والعقائدية من خلاال تقسيم السلطة مع من تسول لهم انفسهم ببيع الوطن والقضية بكراسي الحكم . ولكن دم الشهداء لن يجف ولن ينجو النظام من المحاسبة حتى ولو بقي ثائر
NIF Rule - Return to the
The immediate ban on political parties, unions and associations
decreed by the National Islamic Front when it seized power in
June 1989 extended to women's organisations and to women's
participation in public life. Over 100 women's voluntary groups
and philanthropic societies registered with the Ministry of
Social Welfare were closed down, along with political groups
such as the women's bureaux of the Umma, Democratic Unionist and
Ba'ath parties. These bureaux had been influential in pushing
for provision for women in development programmes
NIF sacked about 40 per cent of the women working in ministries,
corporations and parastatals in the modern sector. Dozens of
leading women in trades unions and professional associations
were expelled from their positions. Some were tortured or
repeatedly arrested and detained. The military-fundamentalist
regime was all too aware of their role in promoting women's
rights and their opposition to the war, and was determined to
remove them permanently.
The return to the era of the
"harem" (seclusion of women) was signalled by Bashir's
January 1990 pronouncement on the "ideal Sudanese
woman". It was followed by the government order in November
1991 for all women to wear "hijab" - what the regime
claimed was "Islamic" dress, but was in fact the
Iranian-style "chador". Women who refused to comply
with the new regulations were subjected to arrest, flogging and
Many still resisted the order,
and even formed the Association for Defence of the Sudanese Tobe
to emphasise their rejection. This association was named after
the customary dress of Northern Sudanese women, a length of
cloth like the Indian sari, used to wrap around the body except
for the face and hands.
In a secretly distributed
statement, the SWU declared that the real intention behind the
government order was "to enable merchants of the NIF to
collect huge financial gains" by obliging women to purchase
the imported Iranian dress - "a commercial hijab" -
instead of the locally available Sudanese "tobe". The
"tobe" had become a symbol of national self-respect
and identification for Northern Sudanese women, and already
conformed with Islamic standards of modesty - why should it be
changed, except for commercial gain?
In its concern to see women
return to the home, the regime overlooks the fact that a lot of
Sudanese women are obliged to be bread-winners for their
families. Opportunities for legitimate income generation are
taken away with no thought for the consequences. Many women from
the poorer classes work in the markets or set up street stalls
selling tea, coffee, sandwiches or peanuts. Often unable to
obtain trading licences, they have repeated been the targets of
"kasha", a policy pre-dating the regime but
enthusiastically employed by it. "Kasha" means taking
away suspected offenders in lorries and confiscating their
equipment, and functions as a general means of intimidation.
Rape in War
The use of rape as a weapon of war has increased, and the women
of the Nuba Mountains and Southern Sudan are particularly at
risk. There have been many reliable accounts of the government's
encouragement of members of the militia forces to rape and
impregnate the women in these conflict areas. In displacement
camps in the Nuba Mountains, women are often separated from
their husbands, and the children are "educated" with
extremist propaganda. The purpose of the exercise is to
accelerate social breakdown in the indigenous cultures under
attack, and to create a generation of children inculcated with
the values of the NIF.
Extrajudicial Killings, Torture and
In Southern Sudan, thousands of women and children - often
already displaced by war - were bombed by the Sudanese Air Force
in raids on camps and villages. Elsewhere in the country, women
were the victims of military action by the government against
"rebels" in the Nuba Mountains of Kordofan, and among
the Zagawa and Fur peoples of Darfur.
At the University of Khartoum,
an NIF loyalist shot dead a female student who was taking part
in a peaceful demonstration against the regime's new
administrative and financial policies. A number of impoverished
women and children were killed while protesting at the
government's destruction of their homes in the unplanned area of
Khartoum known as "Dar al-Salaam".
The security forces, the
backbone of the regime, carried out systematic harassment of the
leaders of the banned women's organisations. This treatment was
dealt out to Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim of the SWU, Sarah al-Fadil
Mohamed of the Umma Party Women's Bureau, Sarah Nugdallah of the
Umma Party, and Rashidah Abd al-Karim, former minister of social
affairs and state minister of education in the 1986-89 period of
civilian government. Other prominent detainees included Amal
Jabrallah, a physician and trade unionist; Thoriyah al-Tuhami, a
housewife; and Amira Hassan Mahdi, who was imprisoned for three
years. Fatima al-Ginaid was imprisoned with all her children in
the remote desert at Shalla prison, Darfur, together with her
husband, a trade unionist detained since the coup.
Most notoriously, the security
forces took Buthaina Dokah, a nurse at Khartoum Civil Hospital,
to a secret detention centre (or "ghost house") and
tortured her to the threshold of insanity. The New York-based
Fund for Peace reported on 15 May 1992 that "Buthaina was
captured in December 1990 ... The security officers gagged her
with her bra and strung her up from the ceiling by her hands
(behind her back) and feet, and beat her from morning to
midnight. She received this abuse for allegedly using a
walkie-talkie. Although she was accused of belonging to the
Sudanese People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), in fact she was a
part-time employee with Chevron Company of Khartoum. After about
two months in the ghost house, Buthaina was transferred to
Omdurman Prison where she was kept another month before being
released. Immediately on her release, Buthaina had a mental
breakdown. As of February 1992, she was institutionalised in a
psychiatric hospital, where she suffers from hallucinations and
The testimony of former MP
Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim concerning her own treatment highlights the
hypocrisy of the regime: "Late in 1990, General al-Bashir
declared that he was willing to accept public criticisms of his
government. The SWU took the opportunity to submit to the
General a memorandum on the living conditions at the time - the
scarcity of basic commodities, the arbitrary arrests of women
and the suffering of the children, the policies of purging the
public service, tortures and the extrajudicial execution of 28
army officers. As soon as al-Bashir received the women's
memorandum, I was summoned to the State Security Headquarters,
where I was ordered to attend every morning for seven days for
interrogation. There I found a number of women and men whom I
knew were subjected to similar interrogation for months while
forced to attend the place at their own expense."
In spite of these tortures and
systematic harassment, the women's democratic movement continued
to organise in different ways, and resistance did not cease.
Hundreds of women marched through the streets of Omdurman
protesting against the economic policies of the NIF. They called
attention to the unprecedented hardships imposed on the people,
the spread of famine and the impoverishment of the country. They
carried with them empty pots and pans, which they banged loudly
in an expression of anger and disgust, and raised banners
criticising price rises and inflation.
The Ramadan Martyrs' Families
On 24 April 1990, during Ramadan, the government executed 28
army officers and more than 200 non-commissioned officers
suspected of involvement in an attempted coup d'etat. They were
reportedly machine-gunned and buried in a mass grave. The wives
and families of the officers formed a Martyrs' Families' League,
and began to campaign actively against the regime. Their goals
were: to work together with all democratic forces in Sudan to
overthrow the NIF government; to bring to public trial all
accomplices in the torture and extrajudicial execution of the
officers and soldiers; to locate the secret graves of the
martyrs; for the wills of the martyrs to be shown to the
families, and for the men's belongings to be returned to their
Every month, the Ramadan
Martyrs' Families' League met to commemorate the death of their
loved ones. These family gatherings were frequently broken up by
the security forces. Although no-one was actually killed, many
women and children were terrorised with guns, arrested, beaten,
insulted and detained for many days.
For the second anniversary of
the Martyrs' Day, the families gathered in April 1992 in Sharia
al-Qasr, the avenue leading to the Republican Palace. They
closed the streets around and distributed leaflets condemning
the Bashir regime's violations of human rights. The members, all
women and children, entered the palace gates to approach the
statue of the Unknown Soldier. Security men arrested 23 women,
of whom one was severely ill, an eight-year-old girl, and the
mother of a newborn baby. They were held in Omdurman Prison for
more than a month without charge or trial, and were only
released because of immense national and international pressure
on their behalf.
Among those arrested and
tortured were Magda Awad Khogali, sister of Captain Mustafa
Awad, her sister Manal with her infant Mona, and their mother,
Jarah Osman. Also held were the widow of Colonel Bashir Mustafa
Bashir, the sister of Colonel Ismat Mirghani Taha, the widow of
Brigadier Osman al-Sayed Balol, the widow and sister of Lt-Col
Abd al-Moneim Hassan Ali Karrar, and the sister of Captain
Mudathir Mohamed al-Mahjoub.
In 1993 Dr Gaspar Biro, the UN
Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Sudan, was in Khartoum
holding meetings with victims of the regime and investigating
allegations against the Sudanese government. Members of the
Ramadan Martyrs' Families' League - women and children - met Dr
Biro at the gate of the United Nations building to give him a
memorandum about the Ramadan 1990 killings. They were attacked
by security officers, beaten and carried off in police cars to
Omdurman Prison, right in before the eyes of the Special
The League has established two
branches abroad, in London and Cairo, to take part in the
continuing struggle to restore democracy and free Sudan of the
rule of the NIF.
Women and Law
The Morality Police
Among the many security organisations created by the National
Islamic Front regime to maintain its control over the
population, there are several which focus their attention on
women. The primary task of the NIF-loyalists of the Popular
Police is to carry out surveillance. They are empowered, in the
same way as the State Security apparatus, to arrest without
charge and to imprison without trial. Where women are concerned,
they have a particular interest in enforcing the
"hijab" dress code.
The Salvation Popular
Committees, established in every section of every town, report
to the authorities and directly to the courts about the loyalty
of local people to the NIF. They also concern themselves with
women's conformity to the regime's code of behaviour, as do the
Public Order Police. A woman who has waited "too long"
in a bus station risks arrest by the Public Order Police on
suspicion of immorality.
A militant religious body called
"The Group to Enjoin Good and Forbid Evil", in
addition to keeping watch over the public - especially women -
is authorised by the NIF to flog offenders.
New legislation introduced by the NIF regime discriminates
against women in Sudan by means of the criminal law, the law of
prosecution and the law of criminal procedure, introduced in the
1991 Penal Code.
The first blow was the reduction
of the age of criminal responsibility, formerly set at 18 years
in the 1974 Penal Code. This has now been redefined in terms of
attainment of puberty, usually around the age of 13 or even
younger. The 1974 laws deemed it a criminal act to contract a
marriage with a girl less than 14 years old, irrespective of her
consent. Sexual relations outside marriage with any girl below
18 years of age were punishable by law. These provisions were
regarded as protecting girls from early marriage and teenage
In place of this protection, the
government has encouraged mass weddings and allotted grants of
several thousand Sudanese pounds to each couple taking part.
These mass weddings, although they overcame the existing
problems of expensive dowries for the brides and were welcomed
by some young people, were regarded by the Sudan Women's Union
as humiliating for the women involved in these "production
line" affairs. The SWU says the institution has been widely
abused for the sake of convenience, and many divorces were
registered soon after the marriage ceremony.
Meanwhile, traditional Sudanese
weddings have come under increasingly tight control. Permission
for many wedding parties has been refused because of the
regime's preoccupation with security and ideology, and others
have been limited under the Public Order Act. The law has been
used to forbid males and females to mix at such parties, and to
ban dancing and music at the whim of government officials. The
former Minister of Interior, Abd al-Rahim Muhammad Hussain,
arrested two girls with their parents because, in his view,
"they were not decently dressed".
Rape has become virtually
impossible for a woman to prove, and if she reports a rape she
risks being accused of complicity. The law of prosecution
requires male witnesses to give evidence in order to prove an
act of rape before the court. For "huduud" crimes, the
testimony of women is not accepted. In the absence of male
witnesses, even if there are female eye-witnesses, the
wrong-doer may be released, and may even bring charges of
defamation against the plaintiff. The penalty for such
defamation is 80 lashes. A judge will often advise a woman
plaintiff against proceeding with a case of rape, because of the
risk to the woman.
An unmarried woman who admits to
sexual relations or becomes pregnant can be tried for a
"huduud" crime for which the penalty is 80 lashes. If
she is married, or has previously been married, the crime is
adultery and the penalty is execution.
Under the 1974 Law of Criminal
Procedure, the plaintiff was allowed to withdraw his or her
complaint at any stage of the investigation of a case, and
magistrates were obliged to dismiss the case accordingly. Only
written complaints were permitted. If a case of adultery by a
married woman was reported by a third party, the case would only
proceed if the husband willed it, and he was free to withdraw
his complaint. When a wife deserted the home to live with
another man, or became involved in sexual relations with someone
else, the husband might file a complaint. However, when it came
to court, although the woman might be found guilty, the matter
would be handled in a way that encouraged reconciliation, in
order to preserve stability in the community and ensure the
welfare of the children. Public criticism of the woman would
ensure the preservation of male dignity, but no further action
was considered necessary.
The new laws treat female
adultery as a "huduud" crime even if the husband
wishes to reconcile with his partner. An adulterous woman can be
stoned to death, or imprisoned and separated from her.
A new "family law" was
introduced in 1991 which reinforced male dominance over women by
requiring women to obtain their husband's consent before
visiting her family or friends. In Central State and Eastern
State, additional regulations were brought in at provincial
level to restrict women's movement in the streets to certain
hours of the day. This humiliating treatment lowers the status
of women and puts them under permanent suspicion.
Section 152 of the Criminal Law
1991 punishes acts of "gross indecency" with 40
lashes. The interpretation of what constitutes indecency is left
to the arresting authority. Sentencing is at the discretion of
the magistrate, who is supposed to take into account the
religious beliefs of the accused. In practice, members of the
Popular Police arrest women for wearing what they consider to be
indecent dress, which can be any dress other than the
"hijab". They are also quick to allege indecency when
a woman is accompanied in public by a male not related to her.
Detention in police stations often leads to the arrested woman
being verbally and physically humiliated, and sometimes to
The right of women to travel
freely has been greatly reduced by the Bashir government. Women
are prohibited from leaving the country unless they are
accompanied by a "muharram" or approved male guardian.
The Ministry of Interior exercises total authority over
applications by women for permission to travel, using a
committee largely composed of NIF loyalists. If a male guardian
is available, he must appear in person before the committee to
give his consent. Even then, the authorities are empowered to
prevent the woman from obtaining an exit visa. The exceptions to
these tight limitations are women supporting the regime,
particularly those from NIF women's organisations, who can
travel without hindrance.
The status of women in Sudan will not begin to improve until the
discriminatory behaviour of the National Islamic Front is ended
and the legal system restored to international norms. Women are
entitled to equal rights under the law, whether as plaintiffs,
witnesses or as the accused.
The Government of Sudan must
recognise, in full, those international human rights laws which
specify the equality of men and women. The powers of groups such
as the Popular Police force to carry out arbitrary arrests of
women must be removed, and the vague, easily distorted
"family laws" and "indecency" laws
restricting the movement of women must be abolished. The age of
criminal responsibility should revert to 18 years.
A thorough investigation is
needed into the widespread use of rape and sexual abuse against
women by members of government forces. Although these practices
did not begin with this government, they have increased
The welfare of children must be
a priority, for example where the imprisonment of women is
concerned, and in conflict situations. Children's vulnerability
must be respected in accordance with the International
Convention on the Rights of the Child.
oil riches frozen by civil war
a brand new oil terminal, Sudan's oil exports have ground to
halt as the country's 16-year-old civil war continues unabated.
MICHEL SAILHAN reports
UDAN'S future as a petroleum exporting country is on hold --
despite sitting on an "oil goldmine" -- pending a
resolution of its 16-year civil war in the south where most of
its oilfields are situated.
Sudan, one of the poorest countries in Africa, started
exporting oil in August from the specially-built Beshair
Port Sudan, and sold its first 600 000 barrel shipment
But less than a month later, an explosion claimed by the
armed opposition blew up the pipeline supplying the port,
highlighting the continuing volatility of the situation.
Sudan's two active oilfields currently produce just 160 000
barrels per day (bpd) of oil, but that figure is expected to
rise to 250 000 bpd within 18 months, Sudan's Energy
Minister Awad Ahmed Eljaz told AFP.
With domestic consumption at only 65 000 bpd, most of
the increases will be bound for export via the pipeline which is
capable of pumping up to 450 000 bpd from the Higleig and
Unity wells in southwest Sudan to the terminal 1 600
kilometres away on the Red Sea coast.
The two fields are being exploited by a consortium grouping
China's CNPC, Malaysia's Petronas, and Talisman of Canada with
minimal participation from Sudan's Sudapet oil company.
But they represent only a small part of the oil riches of a
country that holds officially estimated reserves of more than
two billion barrels.
Vast "blocks" of land have been conceded to the
Canadian, Chinese and Malaysian companies as well as Qatar's
Gulf Petroleum Company and Total of France which has 120 000
square kilometres around the southern city of Bor.
"Everything suggests that this region is an oil
goldmine," a western diplomat said about the Bor region.
The energy minister added that other oil companies from
Britain, India, Italy, New Zealand and Pakistan are competing
for other blocks that have not yet been assigned.
But in Bor, as elsewhere, prospection and drilling have long
been suspended by the civil war between mainly Christian and
animist rebels in the south, led by the Sudan People's
Liberation Army (SPLA), and the northern Islamic regime.
"Total came to see us two months ago, wanting assurances
that they could work," Eljaz said, noting that a follow-up
committee had been established to study the situation.
He gave assurances that the army-protected oilfields in
Higleig and Unity are not suffering from the situation in the
But clashes in the region between rival southern factions at
the beginning of November have left several dozen dead.
And in September the opposition bomb attack damaged a section
of the newly-opened export pipeline north of Khartoum, although
it was repaired swiftly.
"The SPLA claims Higleig as a historical part of the
south," a western diplomat said, adding that there can be
no peaceful extraction of oil without a solution in the south.
Another attack on Saturday destroyed two metres of a pipeline
carrying imported oil derivatives from Port Sudan to Khartoum.
Two peace initiatives for Sudan are currently on the table.
One, proposed by the east African Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD), involves Khartoum and the SPLA while another
presented earlier this year by Libya and Egypt would involve a
broader representation of the opposition.
The United States, which indirectly supports the SPLA, is
actively supporting the long-standing IGAD initiative and has
expressed its opposition to the Egyptian-Libyan plan.
In an interview with AFP, Sudan's Foreign Minister Mustafa
Osman Ismail accused the United States of wanting to
"hijack" the IGAD peace initiative and
"topple" the Sudanese government.
He also charged that Washington is planning to host a
conference with Sudanese opposition groups from the north and
south to forge a reconciliation that would oust President Omar
al-Beshir's government from Khartoum.