Ismail Al-Azhari

Prime Minister, 6 January, 1954 - 7 July, 1956
President, 8 July, 1965 - 25 May, 1969

Ismail Al-Azhari - 1902 - 1969 - A sudanese political leader. Born into a prominent family, Al-Azhari became president of the Sudan's first political organization, the Graduates General Congress in 1940, and then President of the National Unionist Party (NUP) in 1952.

His opposition to British rule and support of unification with Egypt brought him national attention. As Prime minister (1954 - 1956), however, he led the Sudan to complete and separate independence in January 1956. Factionalism within his ruling party cost him his leadership role, and he was the opposition leader from 1956 to 1958.

Following a six year period of military rule, of El Ferik Ibrahim Abboud regime, he was appointed president (1965), but was overthrown in a military coup in May 1969, by Gaafar Al-Numeiry. He died in 1969 while in custody.

 

INDEPENDENT SUDAN

The Azhari government temporarily halted progress toward self-determination for Sudan, hoping to promote unity with Egypt. Although his pro-Egyptian NUP had won a majority in the 1953 parliamentary elections, Azhari realized that popular opinion had shifted against union with Egypt. As a result, Azhari, who had been the major spokesman for the "unity of the Nile Valley," reversed the NUP's stand and supported Sudanese independence. On December 19, 1955, the Sudanese parliament, under Azhari's leadership, unanimously adopted a declaration of independence; on January 1, 1956, Sudan became an independent republic. Azhari called for the withdrawal of foreign troops and requested the condominium powers to sponsor a plebiscite in advance of the scheduled date.

The Politics of Independence

Sudan achieved independence without the rival political parties having agreed on the form and content of a permanent constitution. Instead, the Constituent Assembly adopted a document known as the Transitional Constitution, which replaced the governor general as head of state with a five-member Supreme Commission that was elected by a parliament composed of an indirectly elected Senate and a popularly elected House of Representatives. The Transitional Constitution also allocated executive power to the prime minister, who was nominated by the House of Representatives and confirmed in office by the Supreme Commission.

Although it achieved independence without conflict, Sudan inherited many problems from the condominium. Chief among these was the status of the civil service. The government placed Sudanese in the administration and provided compensation and pensions for British officers of the Sudan Political Service who left the country; it retained those who could not be replaced, mostly technicians and teachers. Khartoum achieved this transformation quickly and with a minimum of turbulence, although southerners resented the replacement of British administrators in the south with northern Sudanese. To advance their interests, many southern leaders concentrated their efforts in Khartoum, where they hoped to win constitutional concessions. Although determined to resist what they perceived to be Arab imperialism, they were opposed to violence. Most southern representatives supported provincial autonomy and warned that failure to win legal concessions would drive the south to rebellion.

The parliamentary regime introduced plans to expand the country's education, economic, and transportation sectors. To achieve these goals, Khartoum needed foreign economic and technical assistance, to which the United States made an early commitment. Conversations between the two governments had begun in mid-1957, and the parliament ratified a United States aid agreement in July 1958. Washington hoped this agreement would reduce Sudan's excessive reliance on a one-crop (cotton) economy and would facilitate the development of the country's transportation and communications infrastructure.

The prime minister formed a coalition government in February 1956, but he alienated the Khatmiyyah by supporting increasingly secular government policies. In June some Khatmiyyah members who had defected from the NUP established the People's Democratic Party (PDP) under Mirghani's leadership. The Umma and the PDP combined in parliament to bring down the Azhari government. With support from the two parties and backing from the Ansar and the Khatmiyyah, Abd Allah Khalil put together a coalition government.

Major issues confronting Khalil's coalition government included winning agreement on a permanent constitution, stabilizing the south, encouraging economic development, and improving relations with Egypt. Strains within the Umma-PDP coalition hampered the government's ability to make progress on these matters. The Umma, for example, wanted the proposed constitution to institute a presidential form of government on the assumption that Abd ar Rahman al Mahdi would be elected the first president. Consensus was lacking about the country's economic future. A poor cotton harvest followed the 1957 bumper cotton crop, which Sudan had been unable to sell at a good price in a glutted market. This downturn depleted Sudan's reserves and caused unrest over government-imposed economic restrictions. To overcome these problems and finance future development projects, the Umma called for greater reliance on foreign aid. The PDP, however, objected to this strategy because it promoted unacceptable foreign influence in Sudan. The PDP's philosophy reflected the Arab nationalism espoused by Gamal Abdul Nasser, who had replaced Egyptian leader Naguib in 1954. Despite these policy differences, the Umma-PDP coalition lasted for the remaining year of the parliament's tenure. Moreover, after the parliament adjourned, the two parties promised to maintain a common front for the 1958 elections.

The electorate gave a plurality in both houses to the Umma and an overall majority to the Umma-PDP coalition. The NUP, however, won nearly one-quarter of the seats, largely from urban centers and from Gezira Scheme agricultural workers. In the south, the vote represented a rejection of the men who had cooperated with the government--voters defeated all three southerners in the preelection cabinet--and a victory for advocates of autonomy within a federal system. Resentment against the government's taking over mission schools and against the measures used in suppressing the 1955 mutiny contributed to the election of several candidates who had been implicated in the rebellion.

After the new parliament convened, Khalil again formed an Umma-PDP coalition government. Unfortunately, factionalism, corruption, and vote fraud dominated parliamentary deliberations at a time when the country needed decisive action with regard to the proposed constitution and the future of the south. As a result, the Umma-PDP coalition failed to exercise effective leadership.

Another issue that divided the parliament concerned SudaneseUnited States relations. In March 1958, Khalil signed a technical assistance agreement with the United States. When he presented the pact to parliament for ratification, he discovered that the NUP wanted to use the issue to defeat the Umma-PDP coalition and that many PDP delegates opposed the agreement. Nevertheless, the Umma, with the support of some PDP and southern delegates, managed to obtain approval of the agreement.

Factionalism and bribery in parliament, coupled with the government's inability to resolve Sudan's many social, political, and economic problems, increased popular disillusion with democratic government. Specific complaints included Khartoum's decision to sell cotton at a price above world market prices. This policy resulted in low sales of cotton, the commodity from which Sudan derived most of its income. Restrictions on imports imposed to take pressure off depleted foreign exchange reserves caused consternation among town dwellers who had become accustomed to buying foreign goods. Moreover, rural northerners also suffered from an embargo that Egypt placed on imports of cattle, camels, and dates from Sudan. Growing popular discontent caused many antigovernment demonstrations in Khartoum. Egypt also criticized Khalil and suggested that it might support a coup against his government. Meanwhile, reports circulated in Khartoum that the Umma and the NUP were near agreement on a new coalition that would exclude the PDP and Khalil.

On November 17, 1958, the day parliament was to convene, a military coup occurred. Khalil, himself a retired army general, planned the preemptive coup in conjunction with leading Umma members and the army's two senior generals, Ibrahim Abbud and Ahmad Abd al Wahab, who became leaders of the military regime. Abbud immediately pledged to resolve all disputes with Egypt, including the long-standing problem of the status of the Nile River. Abbud abandoned the previous government's unrealistic policies regarding the sale of cotton. He also appointed a constitutional commission, headed by the chief justice, to draft a permanent constitution. Abbud maintained, however, that political parties only served as vehicles for personal ambitions and that they would not be reestablished when civilian rule was restored. 


The Sudanese peace initiative 1988

Preamble

Inspired by the deep understanding of the suffering of the Sudanese masses who are yearning for genuine peace and stability;

committed to the unity of the people and territorial integrity of our country;

Rejecting the old practices that aim at escalating the war, destruction and deprivation in all forms, such policies that will ultimately lead to disunity;

Resolute in the necessity of persistent efforts to consolidate and enrich the democratic practices within the beloved Sudan.

Convicted that genuine peace in Sudan cannot be attained in the context of the so-called "Southern Problem" but on the appreciation that the problem is national in nature and hence, its resolution is only possible through a serious sincere and continuous dialogue among the Sudanese political forces on an equal basis in the proposed National Constitutional Conference.

Now therefore, the Sudan Peoplesí Liberation Movement and the Sudan Peoplesí Liberation Army SPLM/SPLA and the Democratic Unionist Party DUP, after frank and sincere discussions and exchange of views at this critical juncture in our countryís history, hereby agree to conclude this agreement.

  A -  Cognizant of the fact that the convening of the National Constitutional Conference is an urgent national necessity that demands of all the Sudanese Political forces sincere  and persistent efforts to bring about a conductive atmosphere for the convening of the conference, the two parties are totally convinced that the basic and necessary prerequisites to create this conductive atmosphere are:

  1 -  Although the firm stand of the SPLM/SPLA remains the repeal of the September 1983 Laws and to be replaced by the 1974 laws, it nevertheless, and because of its keenness on the convening of the National Constitutional Conference has at this stage agreed with the DUP that in the period preceding the convening of the National Constitutional Conference all the provisions involving the "hodoud" and related articles that are contained in the September 1983 Laws be frozen and that there shall be no legislation on any laws that contain such articles until the National Constitutional Conference is held and final agreement is reached on the alternative laws.

  2 -  The abrogation of the military pacts concluded between Sudan and other countries and which impinge on Sudanís National sovereignty.

  3 -  The lifting of the state of emergency.

  4 -   Cease fire.

  B -  A national preparatory committee shall be convened to agree on the draft agenda, place and procedures of holding the National Constitutional Conference. The first meeting of this committee shall take place soon after its formation.

  C -  The two parties have agreed that the venue of the National Constitutional Conference shall be at a place agreed upon by the national preparatory committee where security is guaranteed to the satisfaction of all parties concerned.

  D -  The two parties have agreed on the necessity of holding the National Constitutional Conference by the 31st December 1988 provided that the prerequisites mentioned in this agreement would have been implemented to the satisfaction of the parties concerned.

  E -  The two parties call upon all the Sudanese political forces to bring about peace and stability in our country.

Signed this day the 6th of November 1988 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

ElSayid Mohamed Osman ElMirghani,
Leader of the Democratic Unionist party DUP.

Dr. John Garang de Mabior
Chairman of Sudan Peoplesí Liberation Movement and Commander-in-Chief of Sudan Peoplesí Liberation Army. SPLM/A